All is Fair in War

Modi RahulMasses respect power, ability and endurance. Vision, will and relentless image management is the eternal edge in the bloodless battlefield of politics. There are multiple narratives in the arsenal of every political party and in the great game of Gujarat, the BJP and Congress invoked all of them. A battle royale of netagiri over Vikas, Mandir, Neech and Pakistan consumed the fight for the BJP bastion.

In the shatranj of politics, every move and tactic is fair game. It is never about how you say or do anything in the game for power, it all depends on how much credibility and trust one wields to sway the people. Gujarat is no less than a laboratory national election, and in the image wars for the average voter, the Prime Minister continues to reign supreme.

Rahul Gandhi in DwarkaRahul Gandhi, the new Congress President was not the ‘9 to 5’ and ‘rent-a-cause’ politician we are used to. He led the Congress blitz in the state with multiple rallies and road shows, focusing his attack on GST and demonetisation, and extensive temple hopping under the glare of the hungry media. Narendra Modi as always showcased his boundless energy, his track record as a successful former Chief Minister and Prime Minister all in the Gujarati vernacular. He even introduced the mandir, caste and Pakistan cocktail into the campaign strategy, all from the BJP playbook which has delivered dividends in the past.

The BJP and Congress have clashed in Gujarat with almost equal vigour, but the BJP cadre are fuelled by the numerous victories of the Modi-Shah combine, while the Congress remains a defeated and demoralised unit, with a perpetual credibility crisis. Rahul Gandhi still carries the burden of the corruption crippled UPA II regime, a legacy he refuses to disown or bury. Even after 10 years in politics, he is still seen as a political novice, who has never played a pivotal role in any of the party’s victories. On the national stage, his political image is dominated by gaffes and blunders, with even school children, the future voters, sharing jokes about him on social media. Rahul Gandhi does not champion a vision like Modi did for ‘Aspirational India’ in 2014. His target is limited to Narendra Modi, in an environment where the Prime Minister is at the peak of his political powers.

Modi winThe Congress may have many emotive issues to play to the galleries, but Rahul Gandhi still lacks the power-perception dynamic that can rally his base to the polling booths and pull the undecided voters. As Prime Minister Modi holds the edge, he can and has launched numerous narratives based on pure speculation, moulding and re-moulding the negative miasma that surrounds the Congress. Rahul Gandhi may counter with factual and pointed responses, but he will continue to be seen as the new monarch of an ever shrinking kingdom who fails to learn from the tactical advantage his opponents wield. Only election victories led by the Gandhi scion can elevate his image beyond that as the nation which yearns for a competitive democracy awaits the blueprint of the Congress’ ‘surgical’ introspection. Till then, no standard or controversial narrative can grant Rahul Gandhi any advantage in the political battle.

No war is won by the virtue of one’s birth. Rahul Gandhi must hold on to that eternal lesson if he truly wishes to beat Narendra Modi and Amit Shah’s BJP.



I am armed, I am ready,

I am guided by my duty,

No masks to hide who I am,

I wade through the smoke and chaos,

I challenge you to test my mettle,

Hear me BOY, I am IMMORTAL


You scamper and hide in these dark alleys,

To ash you turn my beautiful valley,

You strike from the sanctuary of crowds,

False prophets and death dealers in your head,

I may fall beneath the stones you hurl,

Hear me BOY, I am IMMORTAL


I am a soldier of the Tricolour, I walk proudly wrapped in the banner,

I am bound to this land same as you,

But I am ready to march and die protecting,

Even the likes of you,

Under your blows I will not buckle

Hear me BOY, I am IMMORTAL


Call your crusade whatever you like,

Follow which ever Devil you may find,

You are an abated captive of a poisonous thought,

And you didn’t even put up a fight.

I am here to protect what is ours, but I will not settle,

Hear me BOY, I am IMMORTAL


If my words fail, if fury still blurs your vision,

Meet me face to face on an open field,

Let us test our conviction.

I am the will of a billion hearts,

And when the dust settles after our brief battle,

I shall tower above you and you shall see BOY,



They chant my name, with fire in their hearts they scream,
They call me saviour who wandered out of a wise mystic’s dream,Rama Lament
I buried their villain, they say I washed the earth’s soul clean,
But I smile at them with a heavy heart,

For I miss my beloved queen.

They marvel at me and say I am God’s decree,
They say I am a prophet of virtue and duty,
They cling to me for meaning, parade me in gilded castles,
But I am hollow just as my inanimate life,

For I miss my beloved wife.

I was only godly with her by my side,
I was only a King when I felt her strength nearby,
I was only a Man when her hand was in mine,
Only for her did I make the heavens kneel,

Oh, how I miss my beloved queen.

My father always told me to follow my heart,
Why did my earthly duty tear it apart,
I sit atop a golden tower as my people hope and pray,
I breathe in the clouds they only marvel at, but it tastes so damn stale,

Oh, how I miss my beloved wife.

Rebirth, this power may be mine,
But how can I redeem myself, no other can play her part,
I once roamed the earth as Narsimha, a grotesque beast,
But he protected his child, he had more of a heart,

Oh, how I miss my beloved queen.

I turned my back on her, and she returned to the nurturing earth,
Even death can’t reunite us, my divinity is my curse,
I see her in the grace of all creation,  I see her in the compassion of our sons,
They will be better men, as her love mocks me the same,
Let humanity see, even a God hangs his head in shame.

Oh, how I miss my beloved wife.


There is a dark space beyond my window,

Shards of light and twisted shapes of human chaos,

She stands in the middle as creatures wail in despair,

Staring at me, a scarred spectre at peace in the black,

All I can do is stare back.


Every night she appears, this unholy omen,

Making the air and inanimate restless,

The night is frozen, yet my skin burns,

She sniffs out my fear, drawing closer to me,

All I can do is stare back.


She floats with poise above me,

Her empty gaze piercing my heart,

I close my eyes seeking the shelter of conviction,

Yet they are only empty words, an elusive peace,

All I can do is stare back.


I thought faith and love are cherished armour,

Yet she heralds a crippling futility,

No heavenly light at the edge, only chains of solitude,

Fixated by her horrible truth, her Godless gaze,

All I can do is stare back.


My fear loosens its grip, a strange comfort breaks my fever,

Am I broken for having accepted her truth?

Am I broken if only my mortality comforts my yearning soul?

In her gaze I find a fearful sanctuary,

All I can do is stare back.


I have never known what holds the hearts of priests and romantics,

Or why she shows me my reflection every night,

As she slowly fades into the night once again,

She leaves me stunned with a tragic calmness,

And All I can do is stare back.

Waiting for the Islamic Reformation

ReformNo matter what the proponents of Islam and Christianity believe, it is a challenge to call a faith peaceful when the good and evil receive sanction from the same scripture. Punishment for apostasy and homosexuality, curtailing the rights of women, and slavery – while the peaceful proponents of both faiths can identify religious tenets against them, there are others belonging to the same faith who can find religious authorization for them.

The reality is that despite the humanist teachings of various faiths, they cannot be cut out of the political sphere of human society. The difference emerges when we consider how the medieval practices sanctioned by faiths are implemented by political authorities. Islam is the only religion, which operates in countries as a theocracy. These nations, primarily in the Middle East, have dismal human rights records regarding minorities and the rights of women. There are 13 Muslim nations where apostasy is punishable by death. Even in democratic Islamic nations like Pakistan, blasphemy is punishable by death. In nations like Saudi Arabia, there are serious constraints on the freedom of expression. Women can’t drive, and face restrictions over employment and ownership rights. The tribal politics perpetuated by the Islamic faith, finds its most telling manifestation in ISIS, which aims to establish a Caliphate – a medieval Islamic state, to practice the same brand of religion the world is trying hard to subdue and sideline.

Those who propose that Islam is a peaceful faith, one that ensures social justice, tend to espouse the virtue when protected under liberal democracies. In the discussion surrounding multiculturalism, what gets missed many times, is that Muslims in liberal democracies are able to practice the positive elements of their faith under the protection of secular laws. These laws protect the same Muslims from the negative elements of their faith, something they cannot deny as multiple cases of discrimination and violence in Muslim nations are authorised by Islamic law.

shariaConsider female rights. If a woman is denied the right to seek out employment, if she is denied the right to choose whom to marry, what to wear, or when and how to move around in public, she can go to the police and achieve justice. But in a Muslim nation, where the Sharia is the law of the land, the authorities will be upholding the law in denying justice to the same woman. Similarly, if someone speaks up against a tenet of an ideology or faith in liberal democracies and receives threats, they can too seek protection of the law. In Muslim nations, the same authorities will be required by law to punish someone who criticises the Islamic faith. Regardless of their faith, being a citizen of a secular and democratic nation, a person is ensured human rights and social justice. Apathy can impede the implementation of laws and there are many cases to prove so, yet there are multiple avenues and authorities through which citizens can seek justice.

GospelReligionThe conundrum arises when peaceful Muslims claim that social justice ensured in secular democracies is also ensured by Islamic scripture. But those who commit human rights atrocities also back their actions with scripture. When the world witnesses how the word of God is implemented in Muslim states, it becomes difficult to understand the same faith as peaceful and progressive. Moreover, there is usually a ‘no comments’ retort when these peaceful Muslims in liberal democracies are asked if they if would ever live in the nations dominated by Islamic law.

Christianity was once considered a dogmatic political power in the Western world. The Spanish Inquisition, the Crusades and the persecution of scientists are dark chapters in human history where a faith was used to divide and suppress, exercising political power emanating from the high seat of the Pope, and evil cardinals. But Christianity witnessed a reformation from within, where communities challenged the dogma, and overtime established a spiritual, and to a great extent, genuine form of faith, creating a more direct link between Man and God. The reformation created the Protestant faith and a series of other Christian sects, which understood faith as a celebration of life and God, not submission to a higher authority.

The contraction of religious authority in the West, laid the foundation for the establishment of secular laws. As God stepped back during the establishment of nation states, enshrining civil rights in laws became the calling card of humanists and revolutionaries around the world. Issues like slavery, ban on abortion and punishment for homosexuality, which claim sanction from biblical scripture, have been weakened and almost wiped out as God has taken a backseat, and humanist principles, universal rights, the human drive for freedom and secular doctrines continue to gain more legitimacy. They face challenges all the time when struggling to ensure rights to multiple communities, yet they gain new ground and achieve new feats everyday.

This internal reformation in Christian societies had the effect of a spiritual overhaul in Christianity. Same sex rights, which is the new civil rights struggle of the 21st century, has been championed by traditional Catholic communities, namely Ireland voting unanimously in favour of same sex marriage and even Pope Francis giving his blessing to same sex relationships, focusing on celebrating the universal human emotion of love. We seldom, if not never see, such a push towards universal human rights in Islamic nations or from Muslim leaders.

If the crusades were on today, Christianity would have a nefarious image in the world, but human society has come a long way in achieving and continuing the struggle for human rights, maintaining a strong winning streak. Religious-political authorities have relatively moved ahead with the times erasing restrictions on civil liberties, while in the Middle East these restrictions are alive and kicking as they are sanctioned by Islamic scripture. We must realise that elements like the Klu Klux Clan and White Supremist groups, which draw their ideology from scripture, cannot operate with impunity in the West, yet the world they imagine does exist in some regards in the Middle East and North Africa.reform 2

Islam needs its own Reformation to curtail the dogma that has tarnished the image of the faith in the 21st century. The Middle East witnessed an Arab spring calling for an end to dictatorships, but the world is waiting for an Arab spring for civil liberties to sweep the Middle East. Islamic societies must move ahead with the rest of the world, so theocracies and medieval ideas do not continue to restrict the progress of human development across the world.

Battle for Bihar: What’s behind BJP’s confidence?

As the battle to claim Bihar heats up, the gloves are certainly off. The BJP aims to keep its winning streak alive, facing off against a united front of parties seeking to counter the saffron juggernaut on the election battlefield. For voters, it is a clear Modi vs Nitish battle. Nitish Kumar is trying to retain power in the state after the voters gave him a clear thumbs down in the Lok Sabha elections, and he had a bitter turf war with former Bihar CM Jitan Ram Manjhi. The election also sees the re-entry of Lalu Prasad Yadav–the RJD supremo and fodder scam convict attempts to re-test his political mettle. For the Modi-Amit Shah combine, a victory seems essential to boost the morale of the supporters after the monsoon session washout–the might of the BJP’s numbers in Parliament was brought to its knees by the Opposition.
The BJP is confident of victory, so says party spokesperson Devesh Kumar. After spending 20 years as a political journalist working for organisations like the Indian Express, the Economic Times, India Today, Mail Today and NDTV, Devesh Kumar has stepped into the election battlefield. Over the past many weeks, Devesh has travelled the length and breadth of Bihar, holding many meetings in towns and villages to gauge the mood of the public. Privy to the ups and downs of Indian politics, he is confident that the BJP will sweep the state using Prime Minister Modi’s signature development narrative. I sat with him for a chat about the BJP’s election strategy and the tussle between the different parties at the ground level.
Q1: Is the RJD’s tie-up with the JD(U) your prime target when taking on the anti-NDA alliance in Bihar? If not, in which areas are you targeting the Bihar government?
Devesh Kumar: Highlighting the political opportunism behind the JD(U)’s tie up with the RJD, is only part of our overall campaign. We seek the mandate to boost development in Bihar. The BJP is the best option for the state as the JD(U) and the RJD are responsible for 25 years of misgovernance–which is 15 years of ‘jungle raj’ under Lalu Prasad Yadav and 10 years under Nitish Kumar.
When we were allied with the JD(U), the state prospered and was developing in all sectors. But ever since the JD(U) snapped ties with the BJP, growth in the state has plummeted. Law and order has deteriorated as there has been a rise in cases of rape, murders and kidnappings across the state. The JD(U) also insulted the Mahadalit community after it sacked Jitan Ram Manjhi from the post of Bihar CM, just 11 months after he took office. Manjhi’s crime was that he sought to function independently as Chief Minister, but Nitish Kumar wanted a puppet CM.
This was followed by a bitter turf war in which Manjhi was humiliated, and the Mahadalit community has not taken it well. On the JD(U)-RJD alliance, we really don’t need to do much. Nitish Kumar and Lalu Yadav have allied after years of enmity, but the people of Bihar are not fools. Nitish Kumar clearly does not mind sharing stage with someone convicted of corruption. At the Swabhimaan rally, Lalu Yadav’s speech once again played the political game of the backward class vs the forward class, but the voters won’t fall for it. They are angry, and are waiting for the opportunity to vote the JD(U) and RJD out of power and welcome the BJP.
Q2: How can the BJP distance itself from the current Bihar government as it was an alliance partner till 2013? Is your focus on the situation of Bihar after the JD(U) snapped ties with the NDA?
Devesh Kumar: Let’s be clear, Nitish dumped us. We didn’t dump him. There was no development in Bihar till 2005, but things turned around after the BJP-JD(U) government came to power. BJP ministers in the coalition government were the best performers. There was a significant boost in multiple sectors namely transport and health. Numerous roads and highways were constructed connecting the far-flung regions of the state. Citizens had better access to healthcare as the medical infrastructure in the state was significantly expanded. Ever since JD(U) snapped ties with the BJP in 2013, all the growth indices have come down. The Bihar growth story has come to a grinding halt. The voters are aware of that and hold Nitish Kumar responsible.
modi biharQ3: Bihar is famous for being a lab for caste politics. Is that being factored into the BJP’s campaign strategy?
Devesh Kumar: Our focus is only one thing – Development, Development, Development. First time voters in Bihar, the youth of Bihar, are not interested in caste. They are interested in jobs, livelihoods, better education and civic amenities. During my travels across Bihar, I visited many villages, and no matter where you go, despite the caste makeup of a place, people are mainly interested to know how political parties and governments can improve their lives and surroundings. It is evident at the ground level that caste loyalties are getting blurred, and citizens believe that the BJP is their best bet to boost growth in the state.
Q4: Nitish Kumar recently attacked the PM for insulting Biharis. How effective is Nitish Kumar’s positioning as a ‘protector’ of the Bihari people? What traction is it achieving on the ground?
Devesh Kumar:  The late Congress President Dev Kanta Barooah once said that Indira Gandhi is India and India is Indira Gandhi. The voters rebuffed him when Congress lost the 1977 elections and the Janata party came to power. Nitish Kumar is equating himself with Bihari pride, but it won’t work as he’s trying this tactic after almost 2 years of misgovernance in the state. Nitish Kumar once had the image of being a great performer as Bihar Chief Minister, but after he dumped the BJP, the voters moved away from him and more than one election has proven it. We swept the Lok Sabha polls in Bihar where the JD(U) won only 2 seats and we also won the recent MLC polls in the state.
Nitish Kumar himself is not confident about his chances, otherwise why would he create such a rag-tag alliance? He is in fact leaning on Lalu Yadav to shore up support for the assembly elections. Consider the recent Swabhimaan rally. The crowd puller is always the last speaker, as seen in all the rallies where PM Modi has spoken. At the Swabhimaan rally, it was Lalu Yadav who was the last speaker after Nitish Kumar and Sonia Gandhi. Nitish Kumar knew that if Lalu Yadav would have spoken first, people would have left the rally after he finished.
He is clearly not in control of the alliance, it is Lalu Yadav who is in the driver’s seat. Consider the campaigns Nitish Kumar started to galvanise support and counter the BJP. His ‘Har Ghar Dastak’, ‘Parcha Pe Charcha’ and the ambitious ‘Shabd Wapsi’ campaigns have all bombed. They were started and now no one, even the media does not talk about them.
Q5: Nitish Kumar and Lalu Yadav have formed an alliance after being enemies for many years, and their parties will contest 100 seats each in the elections. Does the public believe they have buried the hatchet?
Devesh Kumar: Nitish Kumar and Lalu Yadav may have buried the hatchet, but not their supporters. The alliance is very young and has been formed after a rivalry spanning many years. On the ground, JD(U) and RJD supporters are at loggerheads. They are finding it difficult to work with each other, and coordinate their campaigning. Such unions need time to sink their roots into the ground level. JD(U) & RJD won’t be able to resolve their differences and fix the problems in their alliance in time for the elections.
sonia-rahulQ6: You have been in the field for several weeks – and the Congress is now set to contest 40 seats in the elections. What is the activity from their side so far?
Devesh Kumar: I don’t understand what the Congress thinks it can gain by contesting in the Bihar state elections. They have almost no support or presence in the state. In the Lok Sabha polls in Bihar, Congress won only one seat, while in the 2010 state elections they won only 4 seats. God only knows what Nitish Kumar and Lalu Yadav were thinking allocating 40 seats to the Congress. We also welcome Rahul Gandhi to come and campaign in the state. His presence on the election battlefield will only add to our tally.
Q7: The Congress continues to claim the nation has moved away from the BJP, highlighting the debacle in Delhi. Is a win in Bihar essential to silence them and energise the party cadre across the nation?
Devesh Kumar: Congress has no locus standi to question us on our support base. We may have lost in the Delhi elections, but how many seats did the Congress win in Delhi? Winning no seats should be an embarrassment for India’s oldest political party. They rule the state of Karnataka, but lost the Bengaluru civic polls to us. Our party cadre is energetic. Even after our loss in Delhi, we have won multiple civic body polls in different states including Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan and Assam, not to mention the recent MLC polls in Bihar. The writing on the wall is very clear. The BJP is going to win the Bihar state elections, and fulfil its promise to boost development and help the state and its people prosper.

FTII Protests: Students losing perception battle

ftii protestA protest at India’s premier film studies institute over the appointment of Mahabharat actor Gajendra Chauhan has dragged on for over two months. Students boycott classes and agitate, demanding Gajendra Chauhan be removed even before he actively assumes his post as FTII Chairman. The protests escalated recently where the students
prevented the FTII Director from leaving his office, and the Director says the students forcefully interrogated him for hours. Meanwhile, the media is busy debating the idea of freedom and democracy, arguingit is the right of the students to protest, even saying Gajendra Chauhan is not the right fit for the institute.

In every organization, government or private, we know there are people who are not fit for their post, but it is the prerogative of the institution heads to make appointments. If anyone holds that organization to ransom, they will be kicked out without hesitation. Every employee in every news organization, which has been debating the morality of this case, knows this reality.

In the credibility war, the protesting students at FTII are not model candidates. The protesters have been delaying their studies for a long time, living on a government-subsidized campus for an indefinite period of time. They have the right to protest, but the institute has a right to take action against them for falling below the required standards, just like any other educational institute. Protesting students say, force and fear has been used against them, but functionaries of the
institute have accused the students of the same. At the same time, for the media, there has to be a limit to what extent we can actively back the nature of the protest at FTII. Hiding behind the notion of freedom to protest, is not the justification for hampering the studies of numerous other students as well as the functions of a government institution.

ftii protest 2It must be highlighted that students at FTII have been protesting for years over issues ranging from appointments to changes in course structure. They have agitated even when luminaries like Shyam Benegal and Mahesh Bhatt served as FTII chairman. The fact is that this protest is not just about Gajendra Chauhan, he is part of a series of
flashpoints via which some students have found a reason to agitate. Even if Christopher Nolan became FTII chairman, some students will find a reason to agitate, if he amended or tinkered with their course in any way.

This protest has now become political.  It fields an ideological argument re-iterating the age-old line that the Modi-led BJP government has been trying to bulldoze free expression across India. Now these protesters are accusing different functionaries of FTII of lying and being under the influence of the Centre, even denying their roles in perpetuating the systemic problems at the institute. Their argument is now similar to the Opposition during the last Parliament
session – that they will protest, but it is the government’s responsibility to resolve the impasse, not theirs.

They may feel that inviting Rahul Gandhi and other politicians to the protest is essential to keep their fight alive, but they shouldn’t be surprised if the government hardens its position. For AAP and the Congress, the FTII protest is nothing more than a launch pad to attack the Modi government. These parties are not interested in solving the issues at FTII, and even AAP’s Ashutosh’s remark that the protesters are heirs to the JP movement of the Emergency era, shouldn’t fill them with hope.  They should learn from the ex-servicemen protesting for One Rank One Pension. They shooed Rahul Gandhi when he tried to join them at Jantar Mantar, as they wanted to keep the argument between
them and the government. They know inviting other parties will pollute the debate.

The inability of FTII students to keep the protests ‘clean’, by keeping it away from political parties bent on targeting the government, even escalating it by threating functionaries of the institute – has weakened their position in the perception battle. This has turned the focus away from Gajendra Chauhan’s credentials, which is what started the agitation in the first place. The protesters now seem adamant to call the shots at FTII, in an open challenge to the government. But they seem to have bitten off more than they can chew, as the Centre will not remain this patient. Gajendra Chauhan might win this Maharabharat as well.